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Only a few bad apples huh?...Bad Cops Thread


Pennsylvania State Police say officers did not racially profile black man during traffic stop in affluent Philly neighborhood

The Pennsylvania State Police Department has cleared its officers following an internal investigation into a complaint filed by a black man who said he was racially profiled as he drove his wife and daughter through their affluent Philadelphia neighborhood.

“The complaint of bias-based racial profiling was not sustained,” authorities said in a statement Friday, which additionally notes the traffic stop in question was only “initiated after troopers observed a clear violation.”

Rodney Gillespie was driving his family home after a visit with his sister-in-law the night of July 8 when his encounter with state police occurred. Two white officers had been tailing the pharmaceutical executive for about a mile when he crossed over the road’s center line and then drifted back into his lane.

When Gillespie heard the sirens coming from behind him, he opted to make the short drive to his home in Chadds Ford rather than pull over on the dark and narrow street, he told Buzzfeed News.

Video of the incident released by state police revealed that Gillespie drove for only a minute after the sirens first sounded and then pulled into his driveway, where he attempted to explain his actions to police.

Upon parking, he was immediately met with irked officers, who yelled at him to get out of the car and demanded to know why he did not pull over sooner.

“This is a small street, I didn’t want to get killed,” Gillespie says in the clip.
Trooper Christopher Johnson, a 23-year-old rookie, then explains how the move caused his heart to race.

“You kill black people. I didn’t want to get killed,” Gillespie says, adding, “I wasn’t running from you guys, I was just scared.”

“Listen, one of my best friends, that’s a trooper that works with me is black,” Johnson replies. “So I don’t want to hear that black nonsense.”

The officers then proceeded to cuff Gillespie while they questioned his wife. His 17-year-old daughter, Angela, was also in the car at the time.

“I thought it was totally inappropriate, but also my mindset was, ‘Let’s just cooperate, be safe, get through this thing and get my family in the house,’” Gillespie told the news outlet.

“I was more concerned about my wife and my daughter.”
The state troopers gave Gillespie a ticket for the traffic violation and the 52-year-old father filed a complaint against the police department immediately after the incident.

An internal investigation into the matter did reveal that the officers violated several other police regulations while clearing them of the racial bias allegations.

“While recognizing officer safety concerns existed, adjudicators nonetheless determined the troopers could have more effectively deescalated the situation upon making initial contact with Gillespie,” authorities said in a statement.

The probe additionally noted that troopers are supposed to wear microphones that record while on patrol, though “this policy was not consistently followed by all members involved.”
Gillespie alleged the mics missed officers saying the reason they pulled him over was because of a string of break-ins in the area. They also allegedly referred to Gillespie’s wife and daughter as his “girlfriends.”

His attorney, Sam Stretton, told ABC 6 Gillespie intends to sue the department to force change in policy and behavior.

“Almost every complaint of racial bias or discrimination (against the Pennsylvania State Police) has been dismissed,” he said. “They don’t even keep records, one of the few departments in the nation that doesn’t keep records of the race of people they stop.”

According to a Philadelphia Inquirer report published last month, all of the 32 complaints of racial bias raised against state troopers since 2016 have been dismissed.
 

Chicago police superintendent tells mayor he was drinking before being found asleep in car


Chicago's mayor said Friday that the city's top police officer told her he'd had "a couple of drinks with dinner" before he fell asleep at a stop sign while driving home, an incident that the chief contends was related to a change in his blood pressure medication.

Superintendent Eddie Johnson told reporters he felt he might faint as he was driving home from dinner, so he pulled over to rest not far from his home in Bridgeport, Illinois, CBS Chicago reports. Officers responded to a 911 call from a passerby reporting that someone was asleep in a vehicle at a stop sign.

Mayor Lori Lightfoot told the Chicago Sun-Times that she agreed with Johnson's decision to request an internal affairs investigation of the Thursday incident to assure the public he's not trying to hide anything about his actions.

"It was the right thing to call for an investigation..." Lightfoot told the paper. "We'll see how that plays itself out."

Sources told to CBS Chicago that Johnson admitted in a conversation with the mayor later on Thursday that he'd had "a couple drinks" before he was found passed out behind the wheel.

After the newspaper's report, department spokesman Anthony Guglielmi said in a statement that "While we have no indication of impropriety at this time, this question can only be answered by the internal affairs investigation."

Department rules prohibit police officers from drinking alcohol while on duty or in uniform, but it was not clear if Johnson was in uniform at the time.

On Thursday evening Johnson told reporters that he was driving home at about 12:30 that morning, after having let his driver go home to his family, when he felt lightheaded. He said he pulled over and fell asleep.

The responding officers found Johnson slumped over but allowed him to drive home and did not administer a breathalyzer test or a field sobriety test. Johnson said officers do such tests only when a motorist appears impaired or officers smell alcohol or cannabis.

He said the medical episode was the result of not following his doctor's orders.

"When he adjusted my medication, I took the old medication for high blood pressure, but I failed to put the new medication in," he said.

Johnson has had a series of health issues since taking the top post at CPD, CBS Chicago reports. In June, he was treated for a small blood clot that was found in his lung during a routine test.

In August 2017, he received a kidney transplant from his son. He fainted at an awards ceremony a few days after returning to work that October, after suffering a blood pressure issue.

When he fell ill at the 2017 news conference, a spokesman said he had taken blood pressure medication on an empty stomach and felt sick, but that the issue was not related to his kidney disease.

Johnson was diagnosed with kidney disease more than 30 years ago.

In her comments, Lightfoot said that Johnson told her about how he had just changed medication, and said she has "no reason to doubt" his account of what happened.

"We know he's had some medical issues," she told the Sun-Times. "He's on the other side of a kidney operation, which is obviously very, very serious. There have been some issues with high blood pressure, and so forth."

She also said that she knows from dealing with her parents that certain medications have side effects. "So I take him at his word," she said.

She also did not condemn Johnson for drinking at dinner. "He's a grown man," she said. "He had a couple of drinks with dinner."

Johnson has been trying to restore public confidence in the department, which was shattered by the 2015 release of the now-infamous dashcam video of the fatal 2014 police shooting of black teenager Laquan McDonald. Both events occurred before he became superintendent.

The investigation into Johnson will be handled by the public integrity unit within the department's internal affairs division, Guglielmi said Friday. That unit is comprised of officers who are detailed to the FBI and work out of the FBI's Chicago office.

"If they have any sense that there was any impropriety, they would refer the case to outside investigative agencies," Guglielmi added.
 

Minneapolis police discover 1,700 untested rape kits spanning 30 years

Some date to 1990s; the number far surpasses the 194 reported in a 2015 audit.


An internal review of sexual assault cases in Minneapolis turned up an estimated 1,700 untested rape kits from as far back as the 1990s — a backlog that officials say could take at least two years to clear.

The startling revelation was announced at a City Hall news conference Friday, during which department officials announced plans to hire three additional analysts to help process the forensic evidence kits.

The latest count far surpasses the 194 untested kits reported during an 2015 audit, part of what Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey called an “unjustified mistake” that left years of potential evidence sitting in police storage.

Speaking to reporters, Police Chief Medaria Arradondo said he had no explanation for the discrepancy in the reported numbers or why so many kits went untested, but he vowed to eliminate the backlog by working with department agencies and advocates to ensure that the kits are tested and victims are notified compassionately.

The department’s sex crimes unit is still conducting a final count to determine how many kits remain, which comes amid a national reckoning over sexual harassment and assault.

“We have a failure in terms of auditing and processing that is unacceptable,” Arradondo said. “I very honestly stand before you to say we still don’t know why that [miscount] did occur back in 2015, but moving forward I can ensure you that it will never happen again.”

He said that for the department to rebuild trust it needed to own up to its past mistakes.

Mike Sauro, a retired lieutenant who ran the sex crimes unit in 2015, defended his handling of the kits, saying a similar audit completed years ago showed far fewer. Most of the kits were deemed “restricted,” meaning the victim wasn’t involved in the investigation, and thus they were never sent to the state forensic lab for testing and matching against a national database of offender DNA.

“We reviewed all the kits from the year 2000 all the way up to 2015,” he said in a phone interview Friday. “People have this misconception that all kits have to be and should be tested, and that’s just not true. … If you don’t have an official police report made, we can’t enter them into the national database, so we can’t test them.”

Kenosha Davenport, executive director of the Sexual Violence Center, said the group will work with police and form a committee to grapple with the moral and ethical considerations that arise from reopening old cases, while avoiding retraumatizing victims.

“When you look at the span of someone’s lifetime you know the healing journey isn’t a linear journey, so we have victims who may not have shared with their partner or children,” she said. “It’s critical that the notification process is done diligently and with the support of advocates so we can continue to support them.”

Prosecutors will have to examine each case to determine whether any statute of limitations applies, said Chuck Laszewski, a spokesman for the Hennepin County Attorney’s Office. Even then, he said, securing a conviction in rape cases can be challenging.

“It has always been and it continues to be a difficult crime to get a guilty verdict,” he said. “There’s usually only two people, there’s usually not witnesses, so it can be difficult to provide enough evidence to get a jury to prove them guilty beyond a reasonable doubt.”

Deputy chief Erick Fors said the untested kits were discovered in July, when the department was accounting for untested kits that need to be sent to the Minnesota Bureau of Criminal Apprehension (BCA) under state law. The kits, he said, are inventoried, sorted and maintained in police storage facilities around the city, and they’re now being physically tallied to determine a final number.

All have been properly stored, he said. The department is now working with the BCA to fund additional analysts to process the untested kits, and more than 60 untested kits have already been sent to the agency, he said. “The culture has changed, and we have an obligation to test these kits,” Fors said. “We’re looking at some periods of time where that philosophy wasn’t applied, and we really see the benefit to have this done. Hopefully this will not only result in people getting justice, but this is a debt that we owe.”

The revelation of the untested kits comes one year after the Star Tribune series “Denied Justice” documented widespread failings in the investigation and prosecution of sexual assault in Minnesota and spurred changes by police departments and county prosecutors throughout the state. Minnesota police frequently struggled to investigate cases of sex assault in the years reviewed, often failing to interview witnesses, collect evidence or even assign detectives in cases in which the victim was drinking, the monthslong investigation found.

Only about one in four sex-assault reports filed with Minneapolis police is sent to the county attorney for prosecution.

The department recently has joined other law enforcement agencies around the state in taking steps to identify and process every untested kit. The department hired a victims advocate last August to work alongside investigators and help rape survivors navigate the sometimes labyrinthine process of reporting an assault.

Friday’s announcement was met with frustration and condemnation in victim-advocacy circles.

Jude Foster, of the state Coalition Against Sexual Assault, said she was shocked but not surprised by the staggering number of untested kits. But she also saw it as sign that law enforcement is starting to take such cases seriously. She likened it to Detroit, where officials pushed hard to clear a backlog of more than 11,000 untested kits, subsequent testing of which identified hundreds of potential suspects.

“I felt really encouraged that the mayor of Minneapolis is taking this seriously, that the chief of police is taking this seriously. … I saw transparency and accountability today,” said Foster, the agency’s statewide medical forensic policy program coordinator. “That means that law enforcement is really looking at past practices, and that means that things are really starting to change.”

Law enforcement agencies in Duluth and Anoka County have received federal grants to help speed their efforts to process untested rape kits and reopen cases, she said.

In a joint statement, state Reps. Jamie Becker-Finn and Kelly Moller called the city’s backlog unacceptable and pledged to work with the BCA and advocates to ensure the kits are tested “as soon as possible and survivors are notified.”

“These kits represent hundreds of survivors who sought justice and have gone years or even decades without receiving it,” the statement read.

Under the state’s rape law enacted last year, police have 10 days to retrieve unrestricted exam kits from health care facilities and 60 days to submit them for testing. They are also required, when asked, to inform victims about the status of their kits and any findings. Police are not required to test every kit connected to a reported crime, including in cases in which they think the results hold no evidentiary value, although they must explain why in writing.
 

Philadelphia Police Union Slams Eagles Star Malcolm Jenkins for Calls to Reform Police Department

The president of Philadelphia's police union called one of the city's biggest sports stars "racist," bashing Malcolm Jenkins' off-field activism as well as his on-the-field efforts, where he helped the Eagles win the Super Bowl in 2018
 

A White Officer Shoots a Black Colleague, Deepening a Racial Divide

ST. LOUIS — Milton Green was in the driveway of his home on St. Louis’s North Side one night when he suddenly found the barrel of a gun pointed in his direction. Right away, his police training kicked in: He pulled a badge from beneath his T-shirt and grabbed ahold of his service weapon, a 9-millimeter Beretta.
“Police! Put the gun down!” Mr. Green shouted to the man with the gun, who had been fleeing the police when the car he was riding in crashed in front of Mr. Green’s red brick bungalow.

Mr. Green’s shift as a community liaison officer with the St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department had ended hours earlier, and he was spending a quiet evening helping a friend work on his pickup truck. Then a sedan came screeching around the corner and ended up near his front yard. Another sedan pulled up in a hurry, and Mr. Green felt a brief sense of ease when men in police vests hopped out. They were fellow officers. Sort of.

Mr. Green had been a police officer for more than a decade. And while he had bonded with colleagues across the department, he also had come to see distinct differences between black officers like himself and white officers like those involved in the pursuit that night. He had heard his share of racially insensitive remarks at work, but on that balmy evening in 2017, Mr. Green’s outlook on the differences between black and white officers would be damaged beyond repair.

He heard a bang. He felt a sting in his right forearm. A white colleague had shot him.

Police departments confront the same racial tensions within their ranks as those in the communities they patrol. New recruits enter the police academy with different backgrounds and biases. Cliques develop within the force. And officers’ identical badges cannot shield the bad blood that sometimes exists among them.

In few places is the racial divide more evident than St. Louis, a Mississippi River city of more than 300,000 residents. Delmar Boulevard runs like a Mason-Dixon line separating the predominantly black North Side from the rest of the city, which has an almost even racial split of about 47 percent black residents and 43 percent white residents. The department’s racial tensions have bubbled to the surface this year after Mr. Green filed a lawsuit over the summer airing grievances about his treatment as a black officer. The department is also bracing for the federal criminal trial of two white officers accused of beating a black colleague and the outcome of an internal investigation into dozens of bigoted social media posts made by officers.

Interviews with 18 current and former members of the city’s Police Department reveal a troubling picture of the racial dynamics on the force. Promotional disputes, incendiary remarks and outright harassment have left a trail of crippled trust and deflated morale, even as interracial friendships among officers are not uncommon.

On the night Mr. Green was shot, he said, he did what he thought he had to: He sprang into action when he saw an armed man on the run. As he confronted the suspect, though, he heard someone order him to drop his weapon. Mr. Green tossed down his gun and belly-flopped onto the grass. A white detective recognized him a few moments later and warned the others that Mr. Green was a police officer, too.

Mr. Green got up and ambled toward the detective who knew him, his gun pointed down in his right hand. He held out his badge so there would be no confusion. He had grown up on the city’s North Side and had been stopped plenty of times by the police for no good reason before he had gotten his badge, he said.
He took a few steps and then again heard a voice yell for him to drop his weapon, followed almost immediately, he said, by a gunshot. He clutched his right forearm and looked over at the white officer who had shot him.

“Man, you done shot me,” Mr. Green recalled saying before blood started spouting from his arm. He became weak and dropped to his knees.
Told of Mr. Green’s account, the officer who shot him, Christopher Tanner, said in a brief telephone interview, “That’s definitely not what happened.”

Mr. Tanner, who has since left the department, declined to elaborate, citing a pending lawsuit that Mr. Green filed against him and the city. Mr. Tanner’s lawyer, James P. Towey Jr., also declined to provide details. But he said that his client had been involved in a rolling gun battle that evening. Things were chaotic.

“It was a very highly charged environment and things happened as they did,” Mr. Towey said. “I don’t think race played one iota into this.”
Mr. Green disagrees.

“Me being black with a gun, you never gave me the chance,” Mr. Green said of Mr. Tanner. “You wouldn’t have walked up to a white guy and just shot him like that.”

In St. Louis, few officers seem eager to talk openly about race for fear of upsetting the “blue bond.” When black officers feel offended by the comments or actions of their white colleagues, they often do not tell them. Similarly, some white officers say they grow resentful when black colleagues suggest there is racism within the department. Both black and white officers have said their race has been used against them when it comes to promotions.

“There is still quite a bit of racial tension in the department,” acknowledged Col. John W. Hayden Jr., the police commissioner, who is black and a three-decade veteran of the department. “The tension continues because people are expecting more out of each other and they’re not tolerant, nor should they be, of things that are insensitive.”
Opinions in the department have been split over an encounter that happened a few months after Mr. Green was shot: A black officer working undercover at a protest was beaten by white officers so badly that the injured officer told a commander, using an expletive, that they beat him “like Rodney King.”
 
That officer, Luther Hall, had been monitoring a demonstration held in downtown St. Louis to protest the acquittal of a white officer who had fatally shot a black resident. While Mr. Hall’s face was bloodied, his partner, who was white, was not beaten, according to a lawsuit.

Federal prosecutors indicted four white officers in connection with the beating and an attempt to cover it up. Two of the officers have pleaded guilty in the case; the other two are scheduled to go on trial in December.
That was not the last of the alarming incidents.

The department is investigating nearly two dozen officers for a series of incendiary Facebook posts, some of them racist and bigoted, uncovered by the Plain View Project.
One of those officers was Michael J. Calcaterra. One meme he posted in 2013 said, “Britain should not bend over backwards to accommodate Islam.” Another one shows a white officer throwing a punch and says “I’m going to protect and serve,” adding an expletive.
In July, after the posts had been made public, Leviya Graham, a black officer, filed a complaint with the department. She asked officials to transfer Officer Calcaterra, who is white, out of her unit because she had concerns for her well-being and safety.

Three months after filing her complaint, Officer Graham accused Officer Calcaterra of striking her with a police vehicle while they were on duty. Officer Calcaterra did not respond to a phone message.

“I can’t say whether it was intentional or not but it warrants investigation,” said Sgt. Heather Taylor, the president of the Ethical Society of Police, an organization started decades ago to represent black officers in the St. Louis region. “Our membership is concerned.”

White officers are not oblivious to the realities of race, said Thomas Lake, a white former sergeant who retired this year. They largely believe that they are acting on experience, not bias, he said. Mr. Lake recalled the time he wrestled two black men over a pistol.

“Did it make me biased toward black men? No,” he said. “But what it did do is it made me more cautious around them.”

Even as he said that race did not play a big role within the department, Mr. Lake grappled with the uncomfortable, contradictory feelings the topic evoked in him.
He agreed that there were times when bias led officers to act improperly, but that was the exception, he said. He and other white officers pointed to poor training or panic, rather than race, as the main explanation for potential misconduct.

“I’m not a black officer and I haven’t grown up in the same experiences as some of them have,” Mr. Lake said. “Then again, some of them haven’t grown up in the same experiences I’ve had.”

Mr. Green, 40, said he never wanted to let race define his experience as a police officer. Like most black officers, he paid dues to both the St. Louis Police Officers Association, the traditional union typically called the “white union,” and the Ethical Society of Police, commonly referred to as the “black union.”

Much like the city it serves, the 1,300-member department is predominantly black and white; it has few officers of other races or Hispanic officers. But at two-thirds of the force, white officers are overrepresented in comparison with the city’s population, while black officers, at 30 percent, are underrepresented.

In the beige brick headquarters that span a downtown block, officers of all backgrounds work side by side.

They celebrate with recruits when they graduate by jogging a mile from the academy to the city’s iconic arch. When colleagues are injured or killed in the line of duty, regardless of their race, the department comes together. Two years ago, officers started an annual “unity party,” intended to bring people of all races together.

Each of the department’s three patrol divisions has two captains — one black, one white.
That even split might not be a coincidence, some say. The department has tried over the years to diversify its leadership. It has not always gone over well.

More than two decades ago, white officers successfully challenged an affirmative action program that they said promoted less-qualified black candidates over them. In recent years, two white officers — a sergeant and a major — each won hundreds of thousands of dollars following lawsuits in which they claimed they were passed over for promotions in favor of less-qualified African-Americans.

A black captain got $1.1 million in a settlement with the city this year after he claimed racial discrimination in his firing. Three African-American sergeants are currently suing the department, saying they were denied promotions in part because of their race.

“It is toxic,” said Sergeant Taylor, one of the plaintiffs who claims she was wrongfully denied a promotion. “We have these warring sides that believe they have been wronged.”

After Mr. Green was shot, other officers on the scene scolded Mr. Tanner for firing at his colleague, said Mr. Green, who retired with disability this year. Fellow officers ushered Mr. Green into a police van and raced him to a hospital. By then, his faith that white officers could treat black people fairly was gone. He would later tell his children that they needed to be extra careful with white officers.

Colonel Hayden, the police commissioner, said he hoped to introduce training that would encourage officers to have more direct conversations about race.

In the cases of Mr. Green and Mr. Hall, Colonel Hayden said he believed that the use of force was unjustified. The role that race played, he said, was harder to say.

“You hate to believe,” he said, “that it only happened because they were African-American.”
 


An investigation was underway after a Chicago police officer hurled a man to the ground for allegedly spitting on him during an arrest Thursday afternoon in the Chatham neighborhood on the South Side, an incident caught on a passerby’s video that Mayor Lori Lightfoot called “very disturbing.”
 
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